Scripting Subalternity and the Crisis of Contemporaneity: Reading B. R. Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste

The paper attempts a subaltern reading of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste and tries to highlight the importance of the speech as a subaltern script in the contemporary world. It foregrounds how subaltern voices are supressed in India with the influence of religious and caste politics. The representation of the subaltern mass is problematized by this nexus which further leads to a total control over their lives. A resurrection of silenced voices is the need of the hour.

SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH e- ISSN: 2582-3574 p-ISSN: 2582-4406 VOL. 8, ISSUE 9, SEPTEMBER 2020 www.ijellh.com 126 "In the context of colonial production, the subaltern has no history and cannot speak" (Spivak 287). The Dalit question is a question of subalternity which is denied a discourse and a proper connection to history. It lacks proper and sufficient representation in the sociopolitical sphere of the nation. Religion and holy scriptures play a key role in the preservation of the hierarchical structure that ensures the existence of this subalternity. B. R. Ambedkar's speech, Annihilation of Caste discusses this Dalit issue and undertakes a trenchant analysis of the crisis of subalternity. This paper tries to foreground the scripting of subaltern texts and spell out their significance for the contemporary world.
When the history of India got focused to the history of Hinduism, the history of Dalits was forgotten. This purposeful ignorance of history ensued in a situation where a "fraternity"is foregroundedyet inequality plays a formative role in the background. This ignorance has helped the forces in power to cement themselves.
Ramachandra Vasu and Rama Chandra Bose articulate: "The idea of brotherhood and equality of all mankind before God, I am sorry to say, is not to be found, because it is never mentioned in any of our ancient writings. "Foucault continued to investigate the 'processes of subjectivization' that, in the passage from the ancient to the modern world, bring the individual to objectify his own self, constituting himself as a subject and, at the same time, binding himself to a power of external control" (Agamben 71). When elections favoured upper-castes, their representatives became the sovereign power, that could control every aspects of the lives of the downtrodden. "The problem of sovereignty was reduced to the question of who within the political order was invested with certain powers, and the very threshold of the political order itself was never called into question" (Agamben 14)."A body is docile that may be subjected, used, transformed and improved" says Foucault (136). A Dalit body has been docile for centuries, In a caste-based society the social status of a person does not change along with his economic status. "The social status of an individual by itself often becomes a source of power and authority" (Ambedkar 227). Ambedkar proves this by pointing out the example of millionaires in India who obey sadhus and fakirs and consider them Mahatmas or saints (Ambedkar 227). Religion gives the priests power over the common man, regardless of whether that man is a magistrate or a higher official. It thus holds sway over events such as strikes and elections.
The Preamble of Indian Constitution words it as "socialist" but, socialism cannot be effectively brought into practice in India without the eradication of caste. A socialist trying to bring about a revolution will definitely have to address this issue too.
He will be compelled to take account of caste after the revolution, if he does not take account of it before the revolution. This is only another way of saying that, turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path. Caste has the right to excommunicate anyone who breaks the rule of caste. "Caste is ever ready to take advantage of the helplessness of a man, and to insist upon complete conformity to its code in letter and in spirit" (Ambedkar 258). This makes a reformation impossible by giving each caste power to excommunicate the transgressor. "Caste in the hands of the orthodox has been a powerful weapon for persecuting the reformers and for killing all reform" (Ambedkar 258). Thus, caste becomes an inescapable social structure.
Chaturvarnya also creates the concept of higher and lower social status just like caste system. Arya Samajists tried to abolish caste system through the revival of varna system (Ambedkar 263). They proposed the concept of chaturvarnya for the division of labour. They claimed that this division is not based on birth but on worth (guna). The circumstance under which this attempt to revive chaturvarnya gained prominence needs to be understood.
Ambedkar questions the tendency to give permanent labels for men as Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. He writes, It is common experience that certain names become associated with certain notions and sentiments which determine a person's attitude towards men and things. The names Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Shudra are names which are associated with a definite and fixed notion in the mind of every Hindu.
That notion is that of a hierarchy based on birth. (Ambedkar 264) It is this notion that has to be changed. As long as these terms exist, they will be perceived as hierarchical divisions based on birth. The revival of chaturvarnyathus became a retention of caste system in this guise. It was not an attempt for social reform; it was just the opposite, an attempt to "to save India from Christian proselytization" (Hardiman 62). Caste prohibited the marriage between two individuals belonging to different castes.
Ambedkar points out the problems that could arise when chaturvarnya would be established.
"If the status of women were to be the consequence of marriage" he asks whether this system allows women to take the status of her husband after marriage. If so, whether their classification is "nominal or real" (Ambedkar 270). Also, the theory of chaturvarnya assigns "Shudra as the ward and the three higher varnas as his guardians" (Ambedkar 272).
Why make one person depend upon another in the matter of his vital needs?
Education, everyone must have. Means of defence, everyone must have. These are the paramount requirements of every man for his self-preservation. How can the fact that his neighbour is educated and armed help a man who is uneducated and disarmed? The whole theory is absurd. (Ambedkar 272) The transgressors were given heavy punishments. Shudras were punished for reciting or hearing vedas. They had to endure tortures such as"cutting offthe tongue orpouring of molten lead in the ears" (Ambedkar 270).
While the Constitution ensures that all people are equal before law, a law itself cannot eradicate caste consciousness. As John Fiske points out:"Interpellation is the larger process Fiction has enabled us not merely to imagine things, but to do so collectively.
We can weave common myths such as the Biblical creation story, the Dreamtime myths of Aboriginal Australians, and the nationalist myths of modern states. Such myths give Sapiens the unprecedented ability to cooperate flexibly in large numbers. (Harari 27) Belief in religion helped human race to co-exist and co-operate within a group with a large number of members. But such blind beliefs have also led to the interpellation of caste system in the minds of Indian people.
Religion has a major role in sustaining caste notions. Caste is considered to be sacred as it is a part of a religion. So, for the annihilation of caste, it is religion that has to be tackled.
The sacredness associated with caste makes it impossible to destroy it. Ambedkar says that asking people to give up caste would be like asking them to practice something contrary to their religious notions. "Caste has a divine basis. You must therefore destroy the sacredness and divinity with which caste has become invested" (Ambedkar 289 Dalits become subaltern where they are denied their rights of expression and choices. Their social uplift is made impossible through the interpellation of caste system in the minds of the Indians. They are denied fair representation due to biopolitics. Thus, the Dalits are denied a discourse. "Revolutions can, and often have, begun with reading. If you have heard of Malala Yousafzai but not of Surekha Bhotmange, then do read Ambedkar" (Roy 17).
Surekha Bhotmange was a Dalit woman who was gang-raped and murdered along with her daughter for trying to farm on her own land. Like every subaltern, Dalits too speak, but are not heard. The spark that Ambedkar ignited has to be carried forward for the true emancipation of subaltern voices.